Keeping an eye on civil liberties Christian Marquardt/Getty Images
THE iPhone that started it all was found in the rented car used by Syed Rizwan Farook and Tashfeen Malik, after both had been killed by police in December. Four hoursĀ earlier the pair had killed 14Ā people and wounded 22 more inĀ a mass shooting in San Bernadino, California.
The FBI thinks the phone holds valuable evidence but has been unable to bypass the phoneās lock screen to access the information stored on it. Last week, the FBI publicly demanded that Apple help it break in. Apple said no.
In an open letter to customers posted on Appleās website, CEO Tim Cook argued that breaking into the phone would weaken the security of every iPhone. Cook made it clear that in its civil disobedience Apple was making a stand against the US government to protect the rights of all its customers. It was a popular move. The letter has been shared hundreds of thousands of times across various social media sites.
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Such a public stand-off is unprecedented, highlighting the power that AppleĀ ā and tech giants like itĀ ā holds on account of its vast userbase. What the FBI wants is achievable from a technical point of view (see āWhat the US government wantsā). But it is a political minefield. By choosing to carry out the confrontation in public, both the FBI and Apple are hopingĀ to set a precedent in the court of public opinion in the ongoing battle over who has control over our private data, which is increasingly a key to ourĀ wider lives.
āTech giants are the new wave of colonialismĀ ā they’re creating their own empiresā
āTim Cookās letter is a real declaration of war,ā says Ian Brown of the Oxford Internet Institute in the UK. āItās almost the first war of the Information Age between state and non-state actor ā the most powerful state actor in the world.ā
A confrontation of this sort hasĀ been bubbling up ever since Edward Snowden released documents that shed light on the US governmentās secret snooping on its citizens. That prompted several tech companies to make public statements opposing such surveillance activities.
In positioning themselves in opposition to states, tech giants have taken on certain state-like characteristics. āIf you look at Google and Microsoft, they donātĀ just have the power of states, they even organise themselves like states,ā says Brown. āMicrosoft has a foreign service that negotiates with foreign governments.ā Facebook has its own internal counter-terrorism unit.
āThis is quite a moment in history ā will citizens support companies standing up for them?ā
Paul Bernal at the University ofĀ East Anglia, UK, sees a parallel between Appleās fight with the FBIĀ and Facebookās recent battle with Indiaās telecoms regulator. āThereās a sense that the tech giants are the new wave of colonialisation,ā he says. āIn a way, theyāre creating their own empires.ā
Harry Halpin at the World Wide Web Consortium points out that these companies also co-opt certain functions of states. Governments issue their citizens with passports and driverās licences to verify identity. Online we use IDs provided by Google, Facebook and Apple. Digital payment systems tied to these IDs, such as Google Wallet and Apple Pay, give these companies even greater influence. This allows the worldās tech giants to govern access to our money, our digital possessions and our data.
āItās not that nation states are becoming less powerful, itās that some of their roles are being absorbed by post-national frameworks,ā says Halpin.
The state-like power of large tech companies is also evident in their ability to minimise their tax bills around the world, placing themselves in direct opposition toĀ Ā governments. In 2014, for example, Google moved $14 billion out of the EU to avoid tax.
Of course, there are other multinational corporations with large amounts of power. Because of its size, oil company Exxon has a lot of influence in the countries in which it operates, for example. Nor is it a new phenomenon. In the 18th century the East India Company effectively ran India and the Barings banking dynasty has been described as one of the six great powers of Europe.
Brand loyalty
However, tech giants have something new: millions of loyal customers, many of whom choose to side with companies over their government. This is especially true in the dispute about privacy and encryption. In this light, Apple is protecting its citizens.
āIt always takes one to stand up,ā says Nikhil Pahwa, co-founder of the Internet Freedom Foundation. āOthers follow.ā
But is this a good thing? Pahwa and colleagues spearheaded the Save the Internet campaign that helped defeat Facebookās Free Basics programme in IndiaĀ ā a campaign that largely attacked Facebookās state-like pretensions. However, Pahwa supports Appleās behaviour. Apple makes its money selling hardware, he says. Ā Facebook makes money by sellingĀ its usersā data. For Pahwa, Appleās business model makes itĀ aĀ benign power.
Brown disagrees. Appleās stand contains a major irony, he says. Appleās protection of its userās privacy may be a good thing ā and privacy advocates applaud the firmās stand ā but its accumulation of power is dangerous.
Tech companies shouldnāt be above the rule of law by dint of theĀ size of their customer base, says Brown. For all the FBIās faults, the agency emerges out of a democratic system that ā at least in principle ā is designed by and for its citizens. Apple emerges outĀ of the free market, and is beholden only to its shareholders. āHow do you apply concepts that constrained states in the past ā human rights, war conventions, trade agreements?ā asks Brown.
Of course, it is important to remember that Appleās public stand-off could just be a trillion dollar game of smoke and mirrors. Apple reportedly asked the FBI to keep its request sealed, hidden from public eye. Apple could be knuckling under behind scenes, bound by secret court orders, handing over the private keys. WeĀ have no way of knowing.
āThis is quite a moment in history,ā says Pahwa. āWeāll see whether citizens support companies standing up for them or not.ā In the US, public opinion is easily swayed by concerns for national security. In the end, everything may ride on whatās on that phone ā if we ever find out.
What the US government wants
The FBI wants to access data stored on an iPhone used by one of the San Bernadino shooters. The phone is the property of the shooterās employerĀ ā the Inland Regional CenterĀ ā which has given the FBI permission to access it. But the data is encrypted and only accessible if the phone is unlocked using a pin numberĀ that theĀ FBI doesnāt have.
The pin cannot be cracked by repeatedly trying various number combinations as the iPhone has a security feature that introduces a delay of increasing length after each incorrect attempt. Whatās more, the pin cannot be bypassedĀ ā by opening up the phone and copying the data, sayĀ ā because the phoneās encryption is tied to a unique hardware key on the phone itself. In short, the FBI can only break in with Appleās help.
The agency has asked Apple to build a special version of the iPhone operating system, which can be force-installed on the locked phone without wiping the data. The update would remove the feature that introduces delays after incorrect pin entries so they can make huge numbers of guesses with a powerful computer, and eventually unlock the phone. Yet security researchers have pointed out that even then it could take a long time. If the phone is locked with a four-digit pin this will take a few minutes. But if it is locked with a six-character password including letters and numbers it could take more than 300 years.
Still, Apple is objecting on principle. It argues that unlocking one phone amounts to unlocking them all, equivalent to creating a master key capable of opening hundreds of millions of locks.
This article will appear in print under the headline “Apple vs FBI: First salvo in the information war”
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