āLETāS see the fine print and the contextā¦ if itās not written on the side of a bus I donāt believe it.ā That was the one academic to Theresa Mayās last Monday to invest an extra Ā£2 billion a year by 2020 āto help post-Brexit Britain at the cutting edge of science and techā.
The fine print and context had not been supplied as Ā鶹“«Ć½ went to press, but others greeted the prime ministerās pledge more effusively. Many were surprised by the size of the increase ā the government says the amount currently spent on the āresearch baseā is Ā£6.3 billion, plus Ā£2 billion in tax credits ā and by the focus on commercially oriented research and development in industry.
So why now? Funding has been essentially static for a decade, but Brexit means getting ācompanies on an upwards trajectory before the rugās pulled out from beneath themā, explained one innovation specialist. Tax incentives for R&D will also be reviewed under the governmentās proposals.
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Thatās all very well. But the same day also saw the Commons pass the Higher Education and Research Bill, which would replace the councils that award research grants with a single all-powerful body. It would create another such body with the power to start up, shape and shut universities.
Such changes could strengthen scienceās position in Britain, by creating a national champion for science and a more flexible educational landscape. But commentators are worried about the potential concentration of decision-making ā and that research priorities may become politicised, compromising institutionsā autonomy.
It may just be that the Bill is vaguely drafted. But British science has enough uncertainty already: given the potential loss of European funding, and hostility to student visas, further vagueness could prove damaging.
The government wants science to provide answers to economic problems. Fair enough. But for that to work over the long term, researchers must remain free to choose their own questions.
This article appeared in print under the headline āGive and takeā
